The Bone Wars were the long rivalry between American palaeontologists Othniel Charles Marsh and Edward Drinker Cope. A contest for scientific priority expanded during the flood of western fossils into a struggle over quarries, collections, publications, government positions and reputation. Both described many animals. Haste also produced errors, redundant names and specimens with weak documentation.
The popular version imagines two angry professors personally digging dinosaurs and dynamiting each other's quarries. Documents preserve a more complicated system. Geologists, teachers, railway workers, preparators and paid collectors did much of the fieldwork. Some names endured and others became synonyms, while the collections continue to be re-examined.
Interactive claim guide
Evidence and legend in the Bone Wars
Letters record coded localities, rival recruiting, disputes about priority and pressure to publish quickly.
Crews sometimes broke low-value or heavy fragments, but motive is not always recoverable without field notes.
Popular stories of routine destruction of complete rival skeletons go beyond the strongest surviving documentation.
Thousands of fossils survived, alongside synonyms, mixed specimens and missing locality information that still require revision.
Who were Marsh and Cope?
Marsh was born in 1831, studied at Yale and in Germany, and became Yale's professor of palaeontology in 1866. His uncle George Peabody financed a museum that provided rooms and an institutional base. Marsh organised four Yale student expeditions from 1870 to 1873 and later held influential positions in the United States Geological Survey and National Academy of Sciences.
Cope, born in 1840 to a prosperous Philadelphia Quaker family, began publishing young. He worked with Academy of Natural Sciences collections and studied comparative anatomy with Joseph Leidy. After teaching at Haverford College he concentrated on research. His work extended far beyond dinosaurs to fish, amphibians, reptiles and mammals, as well as geological surveys.
They met in Europe in the 1860s and initially maintained friendly relations, exchanging information and even naming organisms for each other. Yet their interests overlapped in a small community. A new specimen could bring a genus, journal space, funding and status.
Why did the dispute become so bitter?
Their institutional positions mattered. Marsh could use a growing museum and later federal structures to support long programmes. Cope moved directly among personal finance, academy collections, surveys and his own publishing. Neither worked outside networks of patrons, editors and collectors. The rivalry was personal, but the resources at stake belonged to a changing scientific system.
Priority already mattered: the first validly published name was meant to last. Publication therefore affected career and fame. Photography, precise mapping, consistent locality numbers and modern curation were not routine everywhere. A scientist might receive crates of bones and a short letter, then name an animal before the rest of the skeleton was prepared.
Marsh and Cope also differed in resources and style. Marsh controlled access, relied on Yale, family wealth and later federal work. Cope published at extraordinary speed, invested personal money in collections and answered through journals. Each regarded the other's conduct as unfair.
No single cause explains the conflict. Ambition, scarcity of important fossils, unstable funding, loose professional rules and an unprecedented flow of unfamiliar bones converged as American palaeontology shifted from individual naturalists towards large museums and state programmes.
Scientific names were a visible score because priority could be counted, while careful preparation and curation were slower and less public. A short notice might secure a name before a complete monograph appeared. That incentive did not force every mistake, but it made incomplete comparison more likely when a rival was believed to possess similar material.
Elasmosaurus was not the sole cause
The most famous episode concerns Cope's reconstruction of the marine reptile Elasmosaurus platyurus. He treated the long chain of neck vertebrae as a tail and placed the skull at the wrong end. Joseph Leidy confirmed the anatomical error. Marsh repeatedly invoked it, especially during the newspaper battle of 1890.
The mistake was real, but hostility developed gradually through disputes over publication dates, specimen ownership, naming rights and collecting sites. In 1873 editors of The American Naturalist declared the exchange personal and refused to continue it on ordinary journal pages.
The story that Cope destroyed an entire print run is mainly a later retelling. Elasmosaurus was also a plesiosaur, not a dinosaur. The Bone Wars involved fossil vertebrates broadly, even though dinosaurs became their most visible symbol.
Mammals were contested before dinosaurs
During the early 1870s the rivals fought over Eocene mammals from the West. Newly arrived skulls and skeletons of large hoofed animals received competing names almost simultaneously. Each disputed the other's dates and identifications, as well as Leidy's earlier work.
Uintatheres illustrate the cost. Sex, growth and individual variation were mistaken for numerous forms. Later revisions united many names. Rich collections could not prevent error when samples were compared selectively and an opponent's priority was ignored. By 1877 the rivalry already existed; the dinosaur rush enlarged it with material, money and publicity.
1877: three entrances into the Morrison Formation
Large dinosaur bones drew attention almost simultaneously at Garden Park near Cañon City, around Morrison in Colorado and at Como Bluff in Wyoming. These Late Jurassic Morrison Formation localities contained sauropods, theropods, stegosaurs and smaller animals.
Schoolteacher Arthur Lakes found bones near Morrison and wrote to Marsh. After no quick response, he contacted Cope. Marsh eventually purchased the material and secured the relationship. At Garden Park, Oramel Lucas and his brother Ira collected for Cope, who used their bones to name Camarasaurus and other forms. At Como Bluff railway workers William Harlow Reed and William Edwards Carlin alerted Marsh to an exceptional concentration.

Letters carried maps, descriptions, money requests and warnings about competitors. Preparators spent months exposing the fossils. When documentation was lost, part of the specimen's testable meaning disappeared with it.
Railways made this scale practical. Heavy crated blocks could travel east, and employees along new cuts saw fossiliferous rock exposed over long distances. The infrastructure that opened the West economically also connected remote quarries to metropolitan museums. Scientific opportunity depended on transport, labour and land access as much as on professors' anatomical knowledge.
How competition changed fieldwork
Both men demanded secrecy. Sites received coded labels, letters were guarded, and higher pay was used to recruit workers from rivals. Teams watched competitors and feared encroachment on productive ground.
Later popular histories amplified theft and deliberate destruction. Crews did break some unpromising or very heavy bones and placed spoil over worked areas. Not every fragment was sabotage. Without a journal, malicious destruction cannot always be separated from ordinary nineteenth-century technique, limited transport and selection of display-worthy material.
Speed weakened records. Associated bones went into separate boxes, numbers vanished and individuals were mixed. A short description based on one vertebra could appear before preparation of the rest. Modern reconstruction depends on exact locality, stable numbering and accessible curation. Missing context makes historical fossils harder to evaluate even with new instruments.
Which dinosaurs entered science?
Marsh named genera that remain familiar: Allosaurus, Apatosaurus, Stegosaurus, Diplodocus and later Triceratops. Cope named Camarasaurus and many other vertebrates and later introduced Coelophysis. This does not mean every original diagnosis was complete or every species remains defined as it was then.
Allosaurus was named in 1877 from incomplete material. Several competing names were later applied to similar predators, and better skeletons changed species boundaries. Stegosaurus also received its name in 1877, while plate and spike arrangement became clearer only through additional finds.
Apatosaurus reveals the rule of priority. Marsh named it in 1877 and Brontosaurus in 1879. They were long merged, making the earlier name valid. A broad morphological analysis in 2015 again treated Brontosaurus as a separate genus, this time using a large comparative matrix rather than nineteenth-century haste.
Discovery and scientific debt
The rivalry accelerated collecting and publication. Rich Jurassic sites reached the scientific community, and American dinosaurs quickly gained global importance. Their collections retained type specimens against which later fossils must be compared.
A name count is not an animal count. One species might be named several times, a juvenile mistaken for a new species, or bones of several individuals combined. Brief papers secured priority without always giving enough anatomy for identification. Later researchers had to prepare bones again, recover notebooks, trace crates and revise classifications.
The effect was double. Rapid collecting saved fossils from erosion, while secrecy obstructed comparison. Competition attracted money and labour, while rewarding premature conclusions. Public argument exposed claims to challenge but replaced careful anatomy with personal attack.
Synonymy was not the only debt. A type based on a few undiagnostic fragments can continue to complicate classification because the historical name cannot simply be ignored. Mixed lots force curators to compare handwriting, rock matrix and old catalogue sequences. A locality described only as a secret quarry may prevent geologists from placing an animal precisely within the formation.
The newspaper war of 1890
By the late 1880s the conflict extended into federal science. Marsh supervised vertebrate fossil work for the Geological Survey and held authority in the National Academy. Cope believed the system let his rival control publications, specimens and funding.
In January 1890 the New York Herald printed Cope's accusations against Marsh and Survey director John Wesley Powell. They concerned plagiarism, assistants' work, public money and suppression of competitors. Marsh responded with charges against Cope and a catalogue of errors, including Elasmosaurus. A professional dispute became national spectacle.

Not every charge was proved. The scandal nevertheless intersected with genuine arguments about federal science and spending. Marsh lost some administrative power and his federal position in the early 1890s. Cope faced his own financial difficulties and sold parts of his collection. Neither gained a clean victory.
How did the Bone Wars end?
Cope died in 1897 and Marsh in 1899. Their fossils remained. Much of Cope's material entered the Academy of Natural Sciences in Philadelphia and the American Museum of Natural History. Marsh's enormous holdings stayed at Yale Peabody Museum, while federally collected specimens went to the United States National Museum, now the Smithsonian.
Other specialists continued cataloguing and publishing. Assistants once kept outside the spotlight developed careers, including Samuel Wendell Williston, John Bell Hatcher and William Harlow Reed. Their records can reconnect a museum bone to a quarry.

The collections matter beyond famous mounts. Old bones can now be scanned, modelled and sampled with methods unavailable in the nineteenth century. Provenance remains as important as anatomy.
Historical archives are therefore part of the scientific specimen. Letters can identify a collector, sketches restore association among bones, and financial records reveal when a crew worked at a locality. Digitisation makes sources easier to compare across institutions, but interpretation still requires matching inconsistent spellings, field numbers and later catalogue systems.
Did the rivalry accelerate dinosaur discovery?
The answer also changes according to what is measured. Publication dates show a rapid burst of names, museum ledgers show a vast transfer of material, and later revisions show how much of the apparent diversity required correction. Public excitement encouraged institutions to invest in fossil halls, but spectacular mounts could make tentative anatomy appear settled. Acceleration increased both the supply of evidence and the work needed to organise it.
Yes, if acceleration means gathering enormous amounts of material, describing unfamiliar forms quickly and attracting attention. No, if every published name is counted as a valid species or all work is assigned to two professors. Their competition expanded the factual base while creating a debt of synonyms, incomplete descriptions and disputed provenance.
Western geological development, railways, collector labour, museum funding and the rivalry together created the boom. The conflict is one striking part of the wider history of dinosaur science, marking a transition from personal cabinets to museums, journals and government programmes.
What does the story teach today?
Priority is useful because it identifies who proposed a testable name or conclusion and when. Trouble begins when speed outruns documentation and open comparison. Modern rules require a type specimen in an accessible collection, locality data, diagnostic features and correction without erasing the historical record.
The Bone Wars also restore people behind the famous surnames. A specimen passed through finder, excavator, driver, preparator, illustrator and curator. When names and notes disappeared, so did part of the result's reproducibility.
An error does not make an entire collection worthless. A name can become a synonym, a reconstruction can age, and a description can need revision. If a fossil and its documentation survive, another researcher can retest the conclusion. The durable legacy is therefore not the insults or a final tally, but the specimens, papers and warning about the cost of haste.
Modern collaboration does not remove competition, yet shared databases, specimen loans, explicit authorship and reproducible analyses make its effects more visible. The lesson is not that rivalry must disappear. Incentives should reward complete records and accessible evidence, so that a fast claim can be checked without sacrificing the locality, specimen or work of the people who made it possible.
Frequently asked questions
Why was the rivalry called the Bone Wars?
The later popular name describes competition for fossil bones, naming priority and control of quarries, publications and collections. It was not an official term that Marsh and Cope routinely used for themselves.
Who won the Bone Wars?
There was no unambiguous winner. Marsh named more dinosaur genera still famous today and built a large institutional collection; Cope published an enormous body of work across vertebrate palaeontology. Both made errors and suffered professionally.
Did Marsh and Cope destroy each other's fossils?
Documents confirm secrecy, attempts to recruit rival workers, surveillance of sites and the breaking of some low-value fragments. Stories of systematic dynamiting and universal destruction are stronger than the surviving evidence.
Which famous dinosaurs came from the Bone Wars era?
The rivalry is associated with Allosaurus, Apatosaurus, Stegosaurus, Diplodocus, Camarasaurus, Coelophysis and later Triceratops. Some original species names survived, while others became synonyms or were redefined.

